The Godfather Power Struggle That Brought a State to the Brink

An Investigative Special Report

On a humid weekday morning in Port Harcourt, traders at Mile One Market spoke less about prices and more about politics. Not policy. Not development. But power.

“Government is fighting itself,” one woman said, shaking her head. “And when they fight, it is us that suffer.”

Her frustration captures the mood across Rivers State, a place where politics has always been intense, but rarely this consuming.

This investigation reveals how godfatherism, long tolerated, often excused, escalated into a political confrontation that stalled governance and exposed the fragile foundations of democratic power in the state.

From Political Structure to Political Struggle; Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s emergence was widely seen as the product of a formidable political machinery built by his predecessor, Nyesom Wike. Party insiders describe the arrangement as “settled” long before the election.

“Everyone knew how the ticket was decided,” said a senior party member who requested anonymity. “The understanding was continuity, not reinvention.” But power has a way of changing expectations.

Within months of assuming office, the governor began asserting control over appointments and administrative direction. That shift unsettled entrenched interests.

“The problem started when loyalty stopped being automatic,” said a former government official familiar with internal discussions. “From that point, it became about who was in charge, not governance.”

Inside the Assembly: Loyalty Over Law; As tensions rose, the Rivers State House of Assembly became the epicentre of the crisis.

An Assembly aide, speaking anonymously, described a legislature under pressure. “There were meetings before meetings,” the aide said. “You could tell decisions were being influenced from outside the chamber.” Impeachment threats surfaced rapidly, not tied to clear allegations of gross misconduct, but to political allegiance.

A constitutional lawyer based in Port Harcourt offered this assessment: “Impeachment is meant to protect democracy. When it becomes a weapon of intimidation, democracy itself is endangered.”

For weeks, legislative activity stalled. Budgets, oversight, and constituency issues were sidelined.

Across Port Harcourt, Obio/Akpor, and Eleme, ordinary citizens expressed a mix of anger and exhaustion. Emeka I., civil servant, Rumuola: “We voted for a governor, not for two governors. If someone wants to rule, let him contest again.”

Blessing T., university student: “They use democracy to fight themselves, but they don’t use it to help us.”

Abiye S., commercial driver: “Politics here is like a family business. When family quarrel, state stops.”

A senior political operative close to the power struggle spoke candidly under condition of anonymity. “This was never about performance. It was about control, appointments, contracts, structure, 2027.” “Once the governor resisted, the system reacted.”

According to the source, pressure tactics included: Legislative threats, Party discipline mechanisms, Strategic isolation, Public narrative warfare

“Godfatherism survives on fear,” the source added. “Once fear reduces, conflict begins.”

Political analysts point out that Rivers followed a familiar Nigerian trajectory.

Anambra (2003): When Governor Chris Ngige resisted his godfather, the state descended into chaos. Oyo (2006): Political loyalty dictated legislative action, leading to controversial impeachment. Lagos: Stability was achieved, but at the cost of concentrated political power. Kwara (2019): Citizens rejected godfather dominance through mass mobilisation.

A Rivers-based political historian noted: “Every state that failed to confront godfatherism paid a price. Rivers delayed the conversation, now it is unavoidable.”

Federal Intervention: Calm Without Closure; The eventual federal government intervention restored temporary calm, but many Rivers residents remain uneasy.

According to Ngozi A., NGO worker: “Peace returned, but accountability did not.”

A retired public servant put it more bluntly: “We solved the noise, not the problem.”

Political observers warn that suppressing symptoms without addressing structural issues only postpones the next crisis.

Beyond political elites, this investigation found that: Youth employment programmes slowed, Infrastructure approvals stalled, Local governments operated in uncertainty, Public confidence eroded

In his submission, a youth leader in Eleme said: “Politics distracted governance. That is the truth.”

Godfatherism or Democracy? Rivers Must Decide. Defenders of godfather politics argue, it brings order while the critics say it brings control.

A senior journalist in Rivers state summed it up: “Mentorship does not threaten impeachment. Only ownership does.”

The Rivers crisis shows that godfatherism has evolved, no longer subtle, no longer quiet, but confrontational and destabilising.

In conclusion: Rivers State now faces a defining choice. Will power continue to flow through individuals and invisible structures, or through institutions and the ballot box?

For many citizens, the answer is urgent. As one market trader in Diobu said quietly:

“We just want government to work. Let them fight elsewhere.”

Until political power truly belongs to the people, Rivers will remain vulnerable, not to elections, but to the ambitions behind them.

 

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